X Международная студенческая научная конференция Студенческий научный форум - 2018

Abstract: Contrary to what many expected, the ousting of Mubarak did not represent the end of the Egyptian ‘revolution’ or the beginning of an orderly ‘transition period.’ Rather, the entire period since mass protests first erupted on January 25, 2011 is better understood as an ongoing power struggle between those who want to radically transform Egyptian society – or what is referred to in colloquial Egyptian Arabic as ‘continuing the revolution’ – and those who are attempting to salvage the old regime. What gave the uprising its revolutionary character is that it went far beyond the demand to oust Mubarak.

When we speak about Egypt We say touristic way which they have almost the highest percentage of tourist but know we find Dubai and morocco.. Not only because of securities events which happened recently but also those countries tried to make cheaper prices to attracted the interesting and also the media which they helped them a lot and you readied some time all this countries she is responsible if any touristic from any countries had problem in revolution countries

The fact that reaction, civil war, and repression reign today in Egypt, Bahrain, Syria, Yemen, and Libya needs to be viewed dialectically. In Egypt, for example, the brutality of the repression should not be seen, in essentialist fashion, as proof of that country’s inherent authoritarianism or penchant for military rule. Instead, the very ferocity of the repression under General Sisi is necessary for the rulers in order to contain the very real threat to the system that the 2011 revolution represents.

When the Egyptian revolution began on the heels of the overthrow of the regime in nearby Tunisia with a demonstration in January 2011, three demands were articulated on the streets: end poverty and unemployment, end the state of emergency and establish an independent judiciary, and political reforms like dissolution of the corrupt parliament and new elections. During the ensuing few weeks, vast crowds gathered on Tahrir Square and the movement spread from student youth to the working people, forcing the resignation of the Mubarak government. The US arrived very late, sticking with Mubarak until nearly the end.

Over the next two and a half years, until summer 2013, three forces held power: the military, the Muslim Brotherhood, and the streets where the youthful left had at least some sway. At first, it seemed that the Brotherhood and the military would create a new regime where the Islamists would rule. But this did not go down well with the youthful revolutionaries, who kept up a protracted resistance on the streets. By spring 2013, this resistance had grown even larger. At this point, the revolutionaries, who had voted in 2012 for the Brotherhood’s Mohamed Morsi as president rather than a pro-military candidate, made the fateful decision of allying with the military against Morsi. They did succeed in creating extremely large demonstrations that brought millions onto the streets. But just as the Brotherhood tried to confiscate the 2011 revolution, the military now proceeded to confiscate the 2013 protests, installing General Abdel Fattah al-Sisi as supreme ruler.

Sisi first targeted the Brotherhood, essentially outlawing the entire organization, in the process carrying out infamous massacres. Soon, however, he also targeted the smaller leftist forces and the liberal intellectuals. A few have disgraced themselves by tacitly supporting the Sisi regime, which by now exercises a more severe dictatorship than had Mubarak himself. Others, however, like the founders of the youthful April 6 Movement, have paid the price for their revolutionary principles and are now in prison or dead. One prominent example is Shamaa al-Sabbagh, a socialist poet killed by police as she sought to lay a wreath at the site of the 2011 uprising in Tahrir Square. Many others have simply disappeared, Latin American junta style.

Sisi has also targeted the Palestinians of the Gaza Strip. He razed the entire border town of Rafah last winter, sealing up the border even more than the Israelis have done on their end. Judges doing his bidding have reversed the sentences on Mubarak, his sons, and their cronies. Morsi has been sentenced to death in a bizarre case targeting him for escaping from one of Mubarak’s prisons during the 2011 uprising, a breakout that is now officially — and preposterously — attributed not to the Egyptian masses but to militant Islamist Palestinians from across the border in Gaza

In April, the US responded to these outrages by restoring all military aid to the regime, which had been suspended since the 2013 coup.

As a result of Sisi’s decision to outlaw the Brotherhood, violent terrorism has grown, with radical Islamists telling the Brotherhood youth that democratic politics is a sham. A group based in Sinai that has declared its allegiance to ISIS has gained steam, assassinating the chief prosecutor in June and destroying a naval ship in July. This is the kind of opponent that Sisi wishes for, however, as it helps his narrative of all Islamists as terrorists, and also allows him to present himself as the rational alternative.

But what is really tragic about Egypt is that parts of the left and the trade union movement helped sow the revolution’s demise, first by trusting the Muslim Brotherhood too much, then by trusting the military to overthrow Morsi and to institute a democratic order. In the worst cases, some of these people supported Sisi in the crucial early months when he was consolidating his power. Many on the left have continued to resist and have paid the price, while also laying the ground for the next outbreak of revolution. Still others are now in exile, rethinking in the face of the wrenching events of the past four years.

The Arab Spring may not blossom soon, but the political will of the Arab people is liberating itself from the grip of dictatorships, and this will have a strong impact on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict

Arab dictatorships ruled with an iron fist and disgraced their own people to the extent that their arrogance went far enough for them to believe that they could pass their reign by inheritance to their sons.

Their countries’ resources were exploited as their own and were shared between their family members, relatives and friends, while their people were left in poverty and underdevelopment.

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